In recent decades, the Middle East has witnessed a broad dominance of ideologies at the expense of the state and society. The region entered a long series of conflicts because politics was no longer managed according to national interests, but rather according to a political doctrine that claims to possess the absolute truth. When political difference turns into a conflict between absolute right and absolute wrong, understanding becomes impossible, compromises become a form of betrayal, and societies enter a spiral that drains people, the economy, and institutions.

Ideologies have raised multiple slogans. Some came under the banner of nationalism, others donned the cloak of religion, and some relied on sectarian affiliation, but they all shared one fundamental characteristic: prioritizing the intellectual project over the nation-state. This project may have been fabricated or randomly borrowed terms from others, and the result was almost the same: decline in development, weakening of education, erosion of state institutions, deterioration of personal security, absence of law, brain drain abroad, and societies preoccupied with endless battles among their components.

In recent decades, the concept of 'exporting the revolution' emerged as one of the most influential ideological projects in the region. It was launched on the basis that the revolution should not remain within the borders of the state, as in Iran, but should extend beyond through political, military, and media networks that create and mobilize. Regardless of the justifications presented for this project, or whether the broader society accepted or rejected them, its practical outcome was an increase in regional tensions, the prolongation of crises, and the weakening of the idea of national sovereignty in a number of Arab countries.

However, the scene began to change. Many indicators suggest that this project has lost a significant part of its momentum. Hezbollah's influence inside and outside Lebanon has diminished under pressure from internal and regional transformations. Pro-Tehran groups in Iraq are facing increasing pressure from the state and from popular sectors demanding that weapons be confined to official institutions; people have also discovered the extent of corruption accompanying these groups. The Houthis have faced political and military restrictions that limited their ability to expand their influence, even within the environment where they previously moved more freely.

It is not just about Iran; it reflects a broader shift. The entire region seems more inclined towards pragmatism and less willing to pay the price of open ideological projects. The Arab citizen now asks about the quality of education, job opportunities, healthcare, currency stability, and family security more than about grand slogans. This is not a sign of weakness, but an indication of societies' maturity and the reordering of their priorities.

The Middle East is no exception in this trajectory. In various parts of the world, the appeal of expansionist ideologies—whether extremist nationalist, religious, or revolutionary—has declined. Globalization, the digital revolution, and the interweaving of economic interests have made countries more aware of the cost of continuous clashes and more inclined to seek stability as a prerequisite for development. However, the decline of ideology does not mean its disappearance.

Ideas do not die by political decree; they may return under new names if the environment that produced them remains. Therefore, confronting ideologies cannot be achieved by force alone, but by building a just state, modern education, responsible media, an economy that provides hope, and a culture that encourages critical thinking.

When the citizen possesses knowledge and opportunity, he becomes less susceptible to being drawn into illusory projects that promise comprehensive salvation but only deliver more crises. The peoples of the Middle East have paid a heavy price as a result of the dominance of ideologies over politics.

Perhaps the next phase offers an opportunity to restore the concept of the state and national interest, and regional cooperation based on respect for sovereignty and shared development.

Nations rise not by slogans but by institutions, and they are protected not by mobilizational rhetoric but by good governance, educated citizens, and a productive economy. What is lacking is awareness of the death of ideology in its various forms, for it left nothing but corruption on earth.

Quoted from Al Bayan

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